The Board Members of Russia, Inc.
By GARRY KASPAROV
WSJ September 20, 2007; Page A13
It has been both amusing and disturbing to watch the Western media chase its
tail after the appointment of Viktor Zubkov to the post of Russian prime
minister.
Amusing because these are the same experts and pundits who wrote countless
articles discussing whether the next prime minister, and potential successor to
President Vladimir Putin, would be Sergei Ivanov or Dmitry Medvedev. The world
press fell for this KGB sleight of hand like children before a birthday-party
magician.
As close to Mr. Putin as those two inconsequential cronies were, they have been
supplanted by someone even closer. The only thing that matters in a mafia
structure like the one Mr. Putin oversees is loyalty. Criminologists, not
Kremlinologists, are required to understand the Putin administration.
As the March 2008 presidential election nears, Mr. Putin is surrounding himself
with an ever-tighter inner circle. In February 2005, in these pages, I wrote
that Mr. Putin could, like a modern Caligula, appoint his horse to the cabinet
if he so desired. He opened the stable door by bringing in Messrs. Medvedev and
Ivanov, and the sudden appearance of Mr. Zubkov is much more horse than dark
horse.
It is infuriating that even now the so-called Russia experts are analyzing Mr.
Zubkov's statements -- as if they are relevant to what is really going on in
Russia. The media has been operating under an entirely false rationale. There
are no public politics in Russia under the Putin regime. Indeed, democratic
politics are dead in Russia and Mr. Zubkov represents the flowers on the grave.
There is no pressure from the public so there is no need to manipulate, convince
or appease the electorate. The coming elections are sure to be a charade and the
media is under tight control. Who cares about Mr. Zubkov's political biography?
What is important, as ever, is business. Mr. Zubkov is a senior member of the St.
Petersburg "Ozero," or Lake, the joint-ownership group of a small real-estate
project whose members are today in charge of the most lucrative state-generated
businesses in Russia and of channeling their revenues into private accounts.
Former St. Petersburg gasoline mogul Vladimir Smirnov controls the nuclear tech
deals with Iran, Gennady Timchenko is the largest "independent" oil trader in
Russia, and Mikhail Kovalchuk has recently been put at the head of a $5 billion
government-backed nanotechnology project.
Now an Olympic Corporation with a budget of $12 billion has been set up for the
Sochi Winter Olympic Games of 2014. The parliament is considering giving this
entity the power to expropriate property without a court order. The list could
go on. This is Mr. Putin's famiglia, and they no longer have to worry about
their public image.
The Russian government is increasingly irrelevant to Mr. Putin and his chosen
few. The state apparatus has been subverted to serve a corporate apparatus that
operates above the law and behind the scenes. The Putin regime has steadily
channeled funds into state-controlled corporations that serve the ruling clique.
It is a super-oligarchy that has largely superseded the state.
Money is what matters, not the cabinet sideshow on television.
The Russian budget has already been approved for the next three years, locking
in the continued "privatization" of the state. Mr. Putin doesn't need a third
term as president when he can continue in his true role as capo di tutti capi.
As journalist Yulia Latynina recently noted in Novaya Gazeta, we have a two-party
system in Russia: the Oil Party and the Gas Party. Gazprom and Rosneft now have
their own security forces, further allowing them to operate independently of
whatever administration exists in the Kremlin next year. The ruling factions
will continue to fight with each other and protect their own. The various
departments of this multilevel criminal organization -- judiciary, defense
ministry, etc. -- will also continue their internal battles for funds.
In blunt remarks to the foreign press last weekend in Sochi, Russia, Mr. Putin
made this remarkable statement: "We will participate in any debate with our
partners, but, if they want us to do something, they must be specific. If they
want us to resolve Kosovo, let's talk Kosovo. If they are worried about nuclear
programs in Iran, let's talk about Iran, rather than talking about democracy in
Russia."
This is an open invitation to foreign leaders to do business with a "sovereign
managed democracy" in Russia. It says, "Let's make a deal and stop wasting time
with the principles of individual rights and democracy upon which your nations
are based."
Could it be made any clearer? Yes, actually. Mr. Putin went on to say the West
should drop its "foolish Atlantic solidarity" in order to make progress with
Russia.
All the masks have been removed and the curtain has been raised. The Putin
Democracy Show is over.
Mr. Kasparov, former world chess champion, is a contributing editor to The Wall
Street Journal and chairman of the United Civil Front of Russia, a pro-democracy
opposition organization. His book "How Life Imitates Chess" (Bloomsbury) comes
out in October.
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